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1 | | HOUSE RESOLUTION
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2 | | WHEREAS, The American field of medicine has long been |
3 | | predominantly white, and systemic racism and discrimination |
4 | | have driven health disparities along racial lines; implicit |
5 | | bias has had an impact on the quality of provider services, |
6 | | while living in poverty has limited access to healthy food and |
7 | | preventive care; and
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8 | | WHEREAS, Currently, Black patients experience worse health |
9 | | outcomes and higher rates of conditions like hypertension and |
10 | | diabetes; Black babies in the U.S. are up to three times more |
11 | | likely to die in the days and weeks following their births |
12 | | compared to white babies; Blacks, Latinos, and Native |
13 | | Americans have suffered disproportionately during the COVID-19 |
14 | | pandemic; and
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15 | | WHEREAS, The racist past of the medical profession has had |
16 | | a devastating effect on the lives and careers of Black |
17 | | Americans, both for those seeking care from the medical |
18 | | profession and for those serving in the medical profession; |
19 | | and
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20 | | WHEREAS, In 1934, Dr. Roland B. Scott was the first |
21 | | African-American to pass the pediatric board exam; he was a |
22 | | faculty member at Howard University and established its center |
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1 | | for the study of sickle cell disease; he gained national |
2 | | acclaim for his research on the blood disorder; and
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3 | | WHEREAS, When Dr. Scott applied for membership with the |
4 | | American Academy of Pediatrics with its one criteria for |
5 | | admission being board certification, he was rejected multiple |
6 | | times beginning in 1939; and
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7 | | WHEREAS, Dr. Scott was eventually accepted along with his |
8 | | Howard professor, Dr. Alonzo deGrate Smith, another Black |
9 | | pediatrician; they were only allowed to join for educational |
10 | | purposes and were not permitted to attend meetings in the |
11 | | South, ostensibly for their safety; and
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12 | | WHEREAS, More than a half-century later, the American |
13 | | Academy of Pediatrics has formally apologized for its racist |
14 | | actions, including its initial rejections of Drs. Scott and |
15 | | Smith on the basis of their race; the group also changed its |
16 | | bylaws to prohibit discrimination on the basis of race, |
17 | | religion, sexual orientation or gender identity; they |
18 | | acknowledged that the apology was long overdue and was |
19 | | prompted by the example of another organization that |
20 | | confronted its racist past, the American Medical Association; |
21 | | and
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22 | | WHEREAS, Few medical organizations have confronted the |
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1 | | roles they played in blocking opportunities for Black |
2 | | advancement in the medical profession until the formal |
3 | | apologies by the American Medical Association and, more |
4 | | recently, the American Academy of Pediatrics; and
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5 | | WHEREAS, The A.M.A. issued an apology in 2008 for its more |
6 | | than century-long history of discriminating against |
7 | | African-American physicians; for decades, the organization |
8 | | predicated its membership on joining a local or state medical |
9 | | society, many of which excluded Black physicians, especially |
10 | | in the South; the A.M.A.'s apology came in the wake of a paper |
11 | | published in the Journal of the American Medical Association |
12 | | that examined a number of discriminatory aspects of the |
13 | | group's history, including its efforts to close |
14 | | African-American medical schools; and
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15 | | WHEREAS, For some Black physicians, exclusion from the |
16 | | A.M.A. meant the loss of career advancement opportunities; |
17 | | others struggled to gain access to the postgraduate training |
18 | | they needed for certification in certain medical specialties; |
19 | | as a result, many Black physicians were limited to becoming |
20 | | general practitioners, especially in the South; some |
21 | | facilities also required A.M.A. membership for admitting |
22 | | privileges to hospitals; and
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23 | | WHEREAS, By 1964, the A.M.A. changed its position and |
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1 | | refused to certify medical societies that discriminated on the |
2 | | basis of race, but persistent segregation in local groups |
3 | | still limited Black physicians' access to certain hospitals, |
4 | | as well as opportunities for specialty training and |
5 | | certification; and
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6 | | WHEREAS, The A.M.A. also played a role in limiting medical |
7 | | educational opportunities available to Black physicians; in |
8 | | the early 20th century, before the medical field held the same |
9 | | prestige it does today, the A.M.A. commissioned a report |
10 | | assessing the country's medical schools for their rigor; the |
11 | | report deemed much of the country's medical education system |
12 | | substandard; it also recommended closing all but two of the |
13 | | country's seven Black medical schools; as the field became |
14 | | more exclusive, it also became more white; and
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15 | | WHEREAS, Between its restrictions on medical education and |
16 | | its exclusionary membership, the A.M.A. played a role in |
17 | | cultivating the profession's homogeneity, which it |
18 | | acknowledged in its 2008 statement; it has since appointed a |
19 | | chief health equity officer and established a center for |
20 | | health equity; and
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21 | | WHEREAS, In an effort to address this history of racial |
22 | | discrimination and biases in the medical profession, Chicago's |
23 | | largest hospitals and clinics have officially named racism a |
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1 | | public health crisis, a very real threat to the health of their |
2 | | patients, families and communities; in an open letter, 36 |
3 | | organizations committed to improving health equity across the |
4 | | city; and
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5 | | WHEREAS, In addition to supporting programs that help |
6 | | people of color find healthcare jobs, each organization is |
7 | | pledging to provide anti-racism training for staff and create |
8 | | new policies that promote equity; and
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9 | | WHEREAS, The group, which collectively treats more than 8 |
10 | | million patients, includes large Chicago-based hospital chains |
11 | | like Rush, safety nets like Loretto Hospital that treat large |
12 | | numbers of low-income patients, and a number of |
13 | | government-funded clinics like Esperanza Health Centers; and
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14 | | WHEREAS, It is time for our State to collectively address |
15 | | this racial discrimination throughout the medical profession, |
16 | | past and present, to improve the quality of life for all; |
17 | | therefore, be it
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18 | | RESOLVED, BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE ONE |
19 | | HUNDRED SECOND GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE STATE OF ILLINOIS, that |
20 | | we urge all branches of the medical profession to commit to |
21 | | eliminating racism and recognizing biases; and be it further
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1 | | RESOLVED, That we urge all colleges and medical |
2 | | institutions that prepare students for careers in the medical |
3 | | profession to focus on the recruitment of more minorities; and |
4 | | be it further
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5 | | RESOLVED, That we urge the State Board of Higher Education |
6 | | to pursue and provide more scholarships opportunities for |
7 | | minority applicants seeking to enter all aspects of the |
8 | | medical profession; and be it further
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9 | | RESOLVED, That suitable copies of this resolution be |
10 | | presented to all members of the Illinois General Assembly, the |
11 | | Governor of Illinois, the State Board of Higher Education, all |
12 | | medical schools in Illinois, all hospitals in Illinois, all |
13 | | clinics in Illinois, all public libraries in Illinois, and the |
14 | | Illinois Department of Professional Regulation, with the hope |
15 | | that they distribute a copy to all seeking licensure or |
16 | | re-licensure for any medical-related field.
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